Postcards of Guelph, Ontario, Canada, from my collection, spanning the early 20th century to the present. Click on postcard images to see them enlarged, and on Street View images (where given; copyright to Google) to compare with the present-day city. Also, check out my Flash from the Past columns with the Waterloo Record.
Xmas decorations abound in the interior of church of St. James the Apostle in Guelph. This real-photo postcard, printed sometime around 1910, shows a profusion of cedar streamers suspended from the ceiling lamps and attached to the side walls. Each lamp, with its many art-nouveau tendrils, adds to the overall, woodland mood, as do the many ferns on the floor. A spruce tree sits beside the pulpit on the left, which is itself nearly concealed by wreaths. Four stars-of-David hang on the back wall of the chancel, with a five-pointed star above the altar. Two ribbons on the chancel wall either side of the altar appear to convey a phrase from Ephesians 5:25: "Christ loved the church" + "and gave himself up for it."
Compare the postcard photo with one I took recently from about the same vantage as the original photographer.
One obvious difference is that the church is not decorated for Xmas yet in this view. In addition, the lighting has changed and the church now has a rood screen between the nave and the chancel. The screen is a feature of medieval church architecture that separates the choir and clergy from the congregation. The rood screen in St. James was installed in 1919 in memory of Lt. John Ronald Campbell, a member of the church who was killed in the Great War (Mercury, 14 Apr. 1919). The presence of the screen suggests something significant about the origin of the church itself.
During the Protestant Reformation, rood screens generally fell out of favour in English churches and thus were removed or destroyed. However, in the tumultuous times of nineteenth century religion, the Oxford Movement advocated for a return to medieval practices of worship. Luminaries such as A.W.N. Pugin revived Gothic church architecture, including rood screens, which influenced Anglican church design particularly, and contemporary church architecture in general.
The winds of change carried all the way to Guelph. As Terry Crowley ("Building the unfinished church"; 1989) explains, Thomas Willcocks Saunders led a group of parishioners of St. George's church who supported the Oxford Movement. A local lawyer and police magistrate, Saunders was elected as the people's warden for St. George's in 1889. He advocated for division of the parish and was successful after a somewhat ructious debate. A new parish was created on 3 March 1890 in the St. James ward of the city, after which the new parish was named, where St. George's had a satellite mission in a local school.
Then came the matter of a new building suited to the new parish. Parishioners congregated in the gymnasium of the Guelph Collegiate Institute (now GCVI) while a property was acquired. Lot 21 on the corner of Glasgow and Paisley streets, once home to Robert Stewart's steam-driven planing mill, was purchased from Robert Hadden. Toronto architect Richard Cunningham Windeyer was engaged to design the structure. Local architect John Day become the general supervisor, with stonework by Slater & Keleher, plastering by William Robinson, painting and glazing by John Moffat, and gas fittings by George Feek & Co. Stone was taken from William Slater's quarry south of Waterloo Avenue at Dublin Street (then Devonshire Street), making St. James the last of Guelph's churches to be made with local stone.
Excavation began on 6 April 1890 and Bishop Charles Hamilton of Niagara officially laid the corner stone on 7 July (Mercury; 20 July 1927). The first service was held in the completed basement on 20 December 1891—just in time for Xmas! The first service in the completed building was held on Easter, 17 April 1892.
Decorating the church for Xmas would have taken place at the conclusion of Advent, that is, the Sunday immediately before Xmas itself. A typical celebration around the time the photo was taken would be like the one from 1911 (Mercury; 23 Dec. 1911):
Saint James the Apostle Church of England Corner Glasgow and Paisley Sts. Rev. C.H. Buckland, Rector
Mr. E.E. Bell, Choirmaster
Sunday, December 24.
Holy Communion for newly confirmed, 8 a.m. Morning prayer 11 o'clock. Soprano Solo—The First Christmas Morn. (A. Chapman.) Miss May Hall. Anthem—Glory to God. (Cooke.)
Sunday School 3 p.m.
Holy Baptism 4.15 p.m.
Evening Prayer 7 o'clock. Magnificat. (Maunder's) Nunc Dimittis. Carol No. 737:—Carol, Sweetly Carol. Anthem—Behold, I bring good tidings. (Churchill.) Contralto solo: The little town of Bethlehem. (Bullard.) Miss Marjorie Richardson. Quartette, O quiet night. (W.H. Neidlinger.)—Misses Hall and Richardson, and Messrs. Cotton and Bell.
Christmas Day: Holy Communion 7 a.m. Holy Communion at 8 a.m. Holy Communion 10.00 a.m. Carol No. 741 Hark: What mean those Holy Voices?—Miss May Hall and choir. Anthem—Nazareth. (Gounod.) The choir—The church orchestra will assist at 11 and 7, Sunday and Christmas Day.
All seats free. Strangers welcome.
On 28 March 1922, the citizens of Guelph voted to make a significant change at the centre of town. The garden (or "island") that had stood in the middle of St. George's Square was to be split in half. The Blacksmith Fountain had stood in the centre of the Square, surrounded by a small patch of grass and flowers, since 1885. The people of Guelph had been keen to make a splashy gesture in the heart of town, and the fountain filled the bill. The original streetcar tracks diverted to either side of it when they were first installed in 1895. The garden area had even been enlarged for the Old Home Week celebration held in 1908.
Here is a postcard view of St. George's Square as seen from the south, from a photo taken around 1913. It was printed by The Valentine & Sons Publishing Co., Ltd. Montreal and Toronto. Note the new, larger "Prairie" cars on either side the Fountain, with the older open car in the back. It must have been a nice day since the open cars were then used only during good weather.
Amid the bustle of downtown Guelph, the fountain and its garden had been a fixed point, a focus around which all business of the central city revolved. Now that was set to change. What happened?
Impetus for the change in the centre of the Royal City came from Hydro. The City sold the Guelph Radial Railway (the streetcar) to the Ontario Hydro Commission in 1921 for $150,000 and kicked in a debenture of $300,000 for its repair ("Streetcars in Guelph", Thorning 1982). For most of its history, the streetcar had run at a loss. Inflation during the Great War had put upward pressure on salaries while fares were kept low to facilitate ridership. In addition, the system suffered from many years of deferred maintenance. The rails and rail beds were too light for new models of streetcars, and its electrical system was not organized efficiently. Breakdowns and even minor derailments were becoming problematic. Although the service was popular, it was becoming a political albatross for City Council. Selling it off became a political necessity.
Two suitors came calling. The Canadian Pacific Railway offered to purchase and upgrade the lines as an addition to its own holdings. The Ontario Hydro Commission also wanted to purchase the system and add it to a proposed network of intercity trains (rather like the later GO Transit system) in Southern Ontario. In the end, the citizens of Guelph voted down a sale to the C.P.R., leaving Hydro in possession of the prize.
As soon as the sale was complete, Hydro officials and engineers came to the Royal City to plan a total overhaul of the network. One of their recommendations was to have the tracks run straight through the centre of St. George's Square. This measure would simplify reconstruction of the system downtown, making it cheaper to build and run.
Guelphites seemed generally happy to let Hydro revamp the system and improve service. Yet, digging up the garden in St. George's Square proved to be a sticking point. Initially, the Railways and Manufacturers Committee of City Council recommended the change. However, resistance appeared when the matter was raised in a full Council meeting on 16 January 1922 (Evening Mercury, 17 Jan. 1922). For one thing, legal eagles differed over whether or not the city had the power to allow such a usage for the land. The issue was laid out in a letter to Council written by Mr. Patrick Kerwin (of the law firm Guthrie and Kerwin, and future Chief of the Supreme Court of Canada). In the letter, published in the Evening Mercury, Kerwin notes that the City bought the land in question from Dr. William Clarke in 1873. One condition of sale went as follows:
Whereas the said William Clarke has agreed to sell and the said Corporation of the Town of Guelph to purchase, the lands and premises hereinafter described for the purpose of a public garden in the said Town of Guelph, and for the improvement of Wyndham and Quebec streets in the said Town.
The bylaw (No. 230) by which the City officially acquired the land also stipulated a garden in its first clause:
That a freehold estate be acquired for the Corporation of the Town of Guelph in the County of Wellington in the said lands for the purpose of a public garden and for the improvement of Wyndham and Quebec streets in the Town of Guelph.
Few would consider a set of streetcar tracks a public garden, so Hydro's proposal would seem to be in violation of the bylaw and the City's undertaking when it bought the land.
However, Kerwin pointed out, the City's agreement with Hydro gave the Power Commission the right to run tracks through any city property on streets already serviced by the streetcar system. Kerwin argued that the City could simply pass a bylaw that closed the garden and added it to the roadway, thus making it fall under the agreement with Hydro.
Mr. Charles Dunbar, a local barrister and solicitor, wrote a letter to Council, also published in the Mercury, giving a different view. He simply warned that the City had no power to allow a different use for the garden and that unnamed citizens had instructed him to sue the City in the event that it should try to do so.
Naturally, a spirited debate ensued in the Council Chamber. Alderman Mahoney suggested that the City take no action. Then, if Hydro chose to tear down the garden and install trackage, they would face the legal consequences instead of the City facing them.
Opponents of the change pointed out that the citizens of Guelph had just voted against installing a war memorial in the middle of St. George's Square, preferring Exhibition Park for its location. (It was finally built in 1927 in Trafalgar Square.) Alderman Drew interpreted this vote to mean that the citizenry would also oppose running the streetcar through the middle of the Square. Aldermen Oakes and Yeates argued that the Square would remain a "beauty spot" only if it retained the garden in the middle.
Alderman McElroy, a proponent of the Hydro plan, raised the estimate from the Hydro engineers that laying tracks through the centre of the Square instead of around it would save $25,000, a substantial amount. Alderman Barlow added that he thought that the aesthetics of the Square would be enhanced if the streetcar ran through its centre. (The Hydro plan included green space on either side of the tracks.) He also said that voters had rejected the site for the war memorial precisely in order to give Hydro the opportunity to use it for the railway. Alderman Penfold reported a figure from the Hydro engineers saying that running the streetcar through the middle of the Square instead of around it would save $500 per month in operating costs. Alderman Baldwin replied that, since the report of the Railways and Manufacturers Committee lacked specific figures and calculations, the financial aspects of the scheme were rather indefinite.
In the end, the Council voted to send the report back to the Railways and Manufacturers Committee for reconsideration. On 2 February, the Committee met and made the same recommendation as before, namely that Hydro should run its tracks through the middle of the Square, with the City's blessing (3 Feb. 1922; Evening Mercury). The matter therefore returned to Council on 6 February. There followed a spirited discussion covering essentially the same ground and proving equally conclusive (7 Feb. 1922; Evening Mercury). In the end, the Council voted 9 to 7 to send the matter to a plebiscite.
On 28 March 1922, the plebiscite was held on the following question (28 March 1922; Evening Mercury):
Are you in favor of the Council permitting the Hydro Power Commission of Ontario to construct the tracks of the Guelph Radial Railway Company through St. George’s Square, and to re-arrange the said Square in accordance with Hydro Plan 502-71?
The vote went "Yes...873" and "No...484", a decisive majority (though a low turnout for an electorate of 5,035). Mayor Howard declared himself pleased with the result, saying that it was "a step in the right direction" for Guelph. Ex-Mayor Carter said that, although he was opposed to the plan, he was satisfied that the electorate had spoken and so the plan should go ahead.
The work began on 5 September with the removal of the electric lighting from the Square's centre (6 Sep. 1922; Evening Mercury). A few days later, the Blacksmith Fountain was removed and set aside with the intention of placing it in one of the grass plots to be installed on either side of the new tracks (9 Sep. 1922; Evening Mercury). Then, the Parks and Buildings Committee of City Council recommended that the Fountain be moved to a new location, preferably Priory Park (28 Sep. 1922; Evening Mercury). The reason for this recommendation was not noted but it was reported the next day that the Hydro crew had suggested that the grass plots in the Square be made smaller than planned. Perhaps removal of the Fountain was intended to support this suggestion. In any event, City Council agreed to the relocation of the Fountain but insisted that the grass plots in the Square remain at the size specified in plan 502-71 (4 Oct. 1922; Evening Mercury). The next evening, the streetcars began to move over the new tracks in the middle of the Square.
The unexpected removal of the Blacksmith Fountain occasioned some regret (5 Oct. 1922; Acton Free Press):
In a rather pathetic editorial the Guelph Herald referred in feeling terms last Saturday to the removal of the iron figure of the sturdy blacksmith which surmounted the fountain on St. George’s Square. This splendid figure, presented to the city by the Armstrong Carriage Company in their palmy days, has occupied the prominent site in the centre of St. George’s Square nearly ever since the old church was removed—forty years or more ago. The demand for a straight street car line through the Square necessitated the removal of this landmark. It will be missed by many who are not residents of the Royal City.
In place of the symbol of industry, Guelph had a central transit station.
The transformation of the Square did not end without a little more drama. Some local motorists evidently objected to the extent of the gardens planned for either side of the central tracks. Hydro workers, who had ripped up the area under the gardens in order to lay concrete beds for them downed tools until the matter was resolved (1 Nov. 1922; Evening Mercury). The next Council meeting featured a long and passionate argument among Aldermen as to whether or not the garden plots should be shrunk according to Hydro's wishes. The Council debated the following resolution:
That this Council approve of the Hydro-Electric Commission reducing the open space now existing at St. George’s Square by ten feet on each side.
On the "no" side, Alderman Burgess said that the Council would look like "a lot of school boys" if they reversed their earlier decision in spite of the situation not having changed. He also maintained that the Council had no right to alter the plan since it had been approved in a plebiscite. Alderman Drew argued that Council should leave the situation alone since it could be easily changed later if that seemed advisable. If no alteration were needed, then the Council would have saved itself the difference in construction costs.
On the "yes" side, Alderman Jaffray argued that the large gardens would be an undue danger to traffic. The argument is not spelled out but the idea seems to have been that the large gardens would squeeze traffic into smaller space in the Square, thus increasing congestion. Assuming that congestion is dangerous, then large gardens would increase risk of collisions for drivers. On the matter of cost, Alderman Evans said that the extra construction cost arising from reducing the gardens would be well worth the saving of danger to life and limb.
The resolution finally came to a vote. The Alderman tied 8–8, so Mayor Howard cast the deciding vote in favor: The gardens would each be 10 feet (3m) narrower. Interestingly, Alderman Wing later told the Council that he had been confused during the vote: voting for the resolution when he meant to vote against it (11 Nov. 1922; Evening Mercury). He wanted to revisit the resolution during the next Council meeting. Hydro officials did not wait for another possible reversal of policy. On 11 November, workmen began tearing out the old curbs and pouring cement for the new ones for the smaller design (13 Nov. 1922; Evening Mercury). The new layout became a cement accompli and was not revisited by Council.
Sod was laid for the new, smaller gardens and flower bulbs planted to rise the next year (1 Dec. 1922; Evening Mercury). Work was completed by 7 December, all but for paving of the bare roadbed left by removal of the surface torn up to shrink the gardens. After much debate, Guelph had its new island in the Square.
The new setup can be seen the postcard below, printed by The Valentine & Sons United Publishing Co., Ltd., Toronto, from a photo taken around 1925. Note that, in spite of the increased presence of cars on the street, Guelphites still walked and sat in the roadway.
Despite missing the Blacksmith Fountain, Guelphites seemed pleased with new setup. The new, rationalized street railway represented progress although it did not, in the end, save the city from the cost of running it at a loss. Portentously, a number of motor busses were hired to "help out" with the people-moving duties while the street car system was under renovation (1 Apr. 1922; Evening Mercury):
Two of three busses owned by Messrs. McElroy and Daly, were very kindly loaned to Manager House of the local street railway this morning, when it became known that the suspension of Hydro power would be indefinite. The busses were immediately put into commission as “Street Cars”, and are being operated today on the Elora Road–York Road and O.A.C.–Suffolk street lines.
Busses were run as "street cars" on each line as it was rebuilt. Even as the day of the new street railway system dawned, its eclipse began.
The redesign of the centre of St. George's Square suggests a number of things about how Guelphites of the day viewed their city. Sale of the streetcar to Hydro over the C.P.R. suggests that citizens viewed the service more like a utility than a private enterprise. Its sale to a public utility may also explain the broad willingness to let Hydro lay tracks through middle of the Square. Although some people saw the move as an abuse of a public space, many evidently saw the new use as compatible with the established understanding of it.
The change in St. George's Square also illustrates how Guelph faced challenges brought on by the increasing presence of automobiles on the streets of the Royal City. Although only a minority of Guelph families had cars at the time, owning a car was becoming a common aspiration. Many residents looked forward to the day when they could breeze through the city in their cars and wanted a streetscape that reflected that aspiration. This may explain the successful pressure that some citizens brought to bear on Council to shrink the garden plots in the new layout.
Besides the redesign of the Square, there was a proposal to turn the middle of Macdonnell Street into a parking lot in order to augment curbside parking (8 Nov. 1922; Evening Mercury). The scheme was not adopted but it suggests the enthusiasm for cars among Guelphites and a brewing conflict over how best to use the downtown streets.
The time is fast approaching when St. George's Square may be redesigned again. A new proposal includes a traffic circle, reminiscent of its old configuration. It will be interesting to see how the process and results today compare with those of the past.
The new Art Gallery of Guelph opened its doors this past September. Formerly the Macdonald Stewart Art Gallery, the building had been closed for renovations since May. It now opens with some new exhibits, a rebuilt porch, and an accessible entrance. However, the structure did not begin life as an art gallery. It opened officially on Wednesday, 7 December 1904 as the Macdonald Consolidated School.
To judge from postcards made of the School in its early days, its key feature in the public mind was not art but gardening. Here are a two postcards made by the The Valentine & Sons Publishing Co. especially for local druggist A. B. Petrie, both entitled "Gardening Class, McDonald Consolidated School, Guelph, Ont." (Note that the proper spelling is indeed "Macdonald".)
The first picture shows a group of children and young women preparing the soil with hoes. Small signs can seen planted in the ground, doubtless recording which plants were placed where. Some of the children and a teacher can be seen looking towards the camera. The back of the Macdonald Consolidated School can be seen behind them on the left while houses along Brock Rd. (now Gordon St.) can be seen in the distance on the right, along the way leading to Guelph. (Recall that the O.A.C. was in Guelph Township at the time, outside the city limits.)
The postcard is postmarked on 20 Sep 1907, meaning that the picture must be of the school in its first few years.
The second picture shows almost a reverse angle, a scene of the garden with the Macdonald Institute and Hall in the background. In the foreground, young boys and girls—many of the latter in white pinafores—are shown tending to their plots. On the left, some boys are holding down boards set over the soil to prevent them from tramping it down. On the right, a youth seems to be wearing a pith helmet perhaps intended for a wearer with a larger head. In between, teachers in long dresses and proper hats teach the finer points of horticulture.
These gardens were the most visible sign of the special purpose of the Macdonald Consolidated School. Its mission was to help prepare rural youth for a rural life, and that meant farming. The founders of the school were alarmed by the increasing movement of the rural population of Canada to its cities. Between the 1901 and 1911 censuses, the population of Ontario became predominantly urban: 53% urban, 47% rural in 1911 (and 86% urban, 14% rural in 2011, in case you were wondering).
To no small extent, people were responding to economic opportunities that cities presented. Young women, for example, could move to town and find jobs as typists, telephone operators, bookkeepers, etc. As mentioned in an earlier post about the Macdonald Institute, the movement of women to office or factory work was viewed as being unnatural by Adelaide Hoodless, one of the founders of the Institute. Women were better suited to domestic life, which the Institute sought to equip them for. Gardening was part of this scheme, designed to give young women a familiarity and taste for working with the soil. Plus, if they could be persuaded to remain in the countryside, then young men would be more likely to remain also.
The rural school system in Canada was also seen as part of the problem. This system had hardly changed since Confederation. Rural schools typically involved a single, young woman teaching a group of students of all levels within a single classroom. Overworked and likely underpaid, these teachers tended to concentrate on the three Rs and were ill equipped to instruct students in the details of agriculture and farm management. City schools, however, sorted students into specific grades, had teachers who specialized in different grades and subjects, and were better equipped than their rural counterparts.
This disparity between rural and urban schools seems to have been the main concern of Sir William C. Macdonald (1831–1917), the benefactor of the Macdonald Consolidated school. Macdonald was the grandson of a Scottish Jacobite laird who relocated 200 members of his clan, including Macdonald's father, to 20,000 acres of farmland on Prince Edward Island in the late 1700s. Macdonald grew up on the farm and seems always to have felt an affinity for farming life, although he made his fortune as a city businessman. In the 1850s, he and his brother set up a tobacco business in Montreal, purchasing tobacco in Kentucky and processing and selling it locally. Business became brisk during the U.S. Civil War, during which Macdonald purchased tobacco from the Confederacy, processed it in his factory in Montreal, and then sold it into the Union.
Oddly, Macdonald seems to have disliked tobacco and did not use it personally or tolerate its use in his presence. Perhaps his ambivalence towards the source of his vast fortune helps to account for his use of it in philanthropic projects. He once said, "I am not proud of my business, and that feeling, perhaps, has been the reason for my donations." One of his main projects was education. In particular, Macdonald thought that the rural school system of Canada was failing rural residents, not preparing them adequately for making a living in agriculture and, thus, prompting a precipitous migration to urban centers.
A major problem for rural schools was scale. Scattered, small, single-room schools could not compete with concentrated, large, well-equipped urban ones. The obvious solution was consolidation, that is, combining several rural schools together in one place. Consolidation would allow the resulting school to offer the same amenities as urban schools but with a concentration on teaching knowledge and skills needed for rural life. The problem was stated succinctly in a report issued by the Ontario Minister of Education in 1905:
Irregular and small attendance, insufficient equipment, inadequate inspection, the preponderance of the lowest grade of teachers, a curriculum not hitherto happily adjusted, and lack of provision for advanced instruction, all combine to make these schools as a class, far inferior to those in urban centers.
The report notes that several U.S. states had sought to improve the quality of education in rural schools through consolidation. Macdonald believed in this approach and created the Macdonald Consolidated Schools Project to make it a reality in Canada.
Guelph became an obvious site to begin in Ontario. The Ontario Agricultural College there was already a center of agricultural education in the province, which would lend some credence to a consolidated school in the vicinity. Macdonald had already agreed to help organize and fund what became the Macdonald Institute at the site. Student teachers from the Institute could gain valuable experience by assisting at the Consolidated School, which would then profit by their help. It made eminent sense to combine the Institute and the Consolidated School on the O.A.C. campus. Macdonald duly saw that it was done.
Macdonald placed the project in the hands of Dr. James W. Robertson (1857–1930). Robertson was born in Dunlop, Scotland, and immigrated with his family to settle on a dairy farm near London, Ontario in 1875 (Iles 1907). A graduate of Woodstock College in 1879, Robertson gained a reputation for advancement of the industry. In 1886, he became a professor at the O.A.C. and, in 1890, the Dominion's first Commissioner for Agriculture and Dairying. He resigned that post in 1904 when Macdonald invited him to lead the Rural Schools program. Robertson was given charge of a $180,000 budget for the Consolidated School. He was assisted by Dr. James Mills, the Dominion Railway Commissioner, and President George Creelman of the O.A.C.
Construction of the buildings and staffing of the programs proceeded, with the Consolidated School bringing up the rear. Toronto architect George M. Miller designed all three structures, which were all built by Schultz Bros Co., Ltd., of Brantford. The School was typical of the Edwardian classical style for domestic buildings, with a symmetric facade and simple plan, something of a departure from the more grandiose designs of the Institute and Hall. The original porch was a simple gable design, as can be seen in the photo below:
(From The National Monthly of Canada, May 1905).
In 1906, the O.A.C. installed a broader, more ornate porch with Doric columns, more suited the School's aspirations as a temple of learning. The students may have been more impressed with the fancy new, indoor lavatories that were also installed at that time. This new setup and grading can be seen in the following postcard, also published by The Valentine & Sons Publishing Co. for A.B. Petrie.
The postcard is marked on 25 May 1907. A little note along the left-hand side reads, "This is my school. Alice." It would be interesting to find out who Alice was.
In planning Macdonald Consolidated School, the trustees made design changes without Sir William's knowledge, resulting in a building with a utilitarian façade and a simple peak-roofed porch. Sir William was so enraged on opening day in 1904 that he refused to leave his carriage, boarded a train instead and never returned to Guelph.
I suspect that this unlikely story is a campus legend. I have found no mention of it in contemporary sources. It seems unlikely since Macdonald was far too careful (though generous) with his money to allow a shamefully plain building to be erected with his name on it. The Mercury (3 Oct 1904) reports that Macdonald was in town—for the second time—to visit the O.A.C. and to view the nearly-completed Institute, Hall, and Consolidated School. Furthermore, the Mercury makes this report about Macdonald's first inspection (14 Sep 1904):
“In looking over the school building,” said Prof. Robertson, “Sir William ‘s only complaint was that sufficient money had not been spent upon it. He thought the exterior ornamentation might be considerably improved.”
The more ornate porch that appeared soon after may have resulted from this remark. In any event, it was known that Macdonald thought the building plain. However, he did return to see it a second time in October.
Curiously, though, Macdonald was absent for the official opening of all three buildings on 7 December. He was supposed to speak on that occasion and see his portrait unveiled in the Macdonald Institute. Newspaper accounts of the opening provide no explanation. Perhaps knowledge of his response to the design of the Consolidated School plus his unexplained absence from the official opening led to the story that he was surprised and mortified by the building's appearance.
At any rate, the building provided all the needed facilities under one roof (Nasby 1995, p. 62):
The basement contained four large lunch and playrooms and on the first floor there were classrooms, a manual training room and a ladies' waiting room. Additional classrooms were on the second floor plus a laboratory for chemistry and nature study, domestic science room and principal's office. An assembly hall to seat 200 with stage and dressing rooms was on the third floor.
The Mercury (14 November) also boasted that the building featured a combined hot air and steam heating system, the first of its kind in North America. Robertson clearly wanted to ensure that the building lacked no facility.
The manual training seemed to be focussed on woodworking, with students learning to make items like birdhouses, cutting boards, and plant stands (Wright 2007, p. 39). Here is a somewhat murky photo of the manual training room (Iles 1907, p. 579).
Another, murkier photo provides a view of the domestic science room, where girls were taught the rudiments of housekeeping (Iles 1907, p. 584).
Another notable feature of the Consolidated School was the transportation of students. Since the School combined students from several, far-flung, rural school sections, most could not make their own way back and forth. To meet this need, Robertson had purchased and shipped a set of special vans from Ottawa that would convey students to and from their homes (Mercury, 14 Sep.). Six routes were arranged, with local teamsters bidding on the contracts (Mercury, 15 Oct.). A slide showing several vans waiting for students in front of the building ca. 1905 can be seen in the collection the Wellington County Archives (A1985.110).
Some children got lifts from the family chauffeur, Dad, especially in winter (Koop 1987, pp. 36–37):
He came into the house and changed from his smock into a fur coat. Us kids were all bundled up too and got into the sleigh. He'd also pick up so many of the other students that were going to the Consolidated School and by the time he'd be going up Gordon Street (it was the Dundas Road back in those days) there would be crowds hanging on to that sleigh
Students who lived on the other side of Guelph often used the streetcars. A Macdonald Institute student signed "G.M.C." writes the following account in the O.A.C. Review (v. 25 n. 6, 1913, p. 333):
When I had waited eight minutes, the car came. It was too cold to frown at the motorman, and as I stumbled against the conductor, I forgot to frown at him. I deserve no credit from restraining those frowns. The car was full of the usual half-breakfasted crowd, with a generous supply of Consolidated School Children to fill in the cracks. It was one of the old cars and a bit cold, which did not make it at all cheerful.
She should be grateful: By caulking the cracks between adults, the Consolidated School children prevented cold drafts from blowing right through the car!
Classes at the Macdonald Consolidated School finally began on 14 November. Vans and streetcars brought students to the door. They were then herded to the assembly hall on the third floor. Principal Hotson gave a short speech of introduction. Then, the students were divided into classes: The primary class went with Miss Workman, the second with Miss Doak, the third with Miss Roddick, the fourth with Mr. Hanlon, and the fifth with Mr. Hotson himself. I wonder who was more nervous at that moment: The teachers or the students?
As mentioned above, the official opening came on 8 December. A host of dignitaries were present in the Macdonald Institute gymnasium, with the odd exception of Sir William Macdonald himself. The speakers were Dr. Mills, Dr. Robertson, Mrs. Hoodless, and Mr. Dryden (the Minister of Agriculture, on behalf of the Minister of Education, who also could not be present for some reason), with O.A.C. President Creelman as the emcee. Dr. Mills gave a speech and then unveiled the portrait of Macdonald. The remaining speakers then sang his praises and outlined their hopes for the new institutions. Then, many of the crowd walked over to the Consolidated School where Mr. Dryden and Dr. Mills said a few words to the students before they departed for home.
Given the lateness of the year, it seems likely that the students did not get on with their gardens immediately. However, they prepared well. For example, some students formed the "Macdonald School Society", which held a meeting with a full program on 16 December (Mercury, 19 Dec.). There were songs, recitations, readings, two mouth organ solos, and a debate. The topic of the debate was: "Resolved that country life is better than city life—Affirmative, Miss F. and Master I. Young; negative, Master H. Atkinson and Master J. Hemming." Given the mandate of the School, it seems likely that the negative side had a tough row to hoe. Indeed, although both sides acquitted themselves well, it turns out that country life is better than city life.
Also, the Consolidated School held an essay-writing contest on the topic of "Bulbs, their planting and care." The winning essays of the Senior Fourth and the Fifth classes, Miss Minnie Sinclair and Miss Emma McAllister, were printed on the front page of the Mercury (21 Dec.). I can only think that these girls, like their bulbs, were ready to get stuck in the dirt first thing in springtime.
The Macdonald Consolidated Schools were not successful in stemming the tide of rural to urban migration in Canada. In spite of the advantages of country living, the attractions or urban living were too great. However, the School in Guelph Township was a success in some ways. In the O.A.C. Review (v. 31, n. 3, Nov. 1918) inspector J.A. MacDonald (no relation to Sir William) writes that the School continued to provide a more ambitious and practical program than in standard rural schools. As evidence of this fact, the article prints the following picture of the Consolidated School gardens, taken from a back window of the building.
Furthermore, attendance at the School was higher than at regular rural schools and many non-resident families were willing to pay an extra fee to send their children to it. Finally, he claims that the community remained proud of the School and its contributions to local society.
Even so, local pride in the Consolidated School did not bring forth enough local money. Macdonald had arranged to defray all the costs of the School for a span of three years. At the end of that time, the School was deeded to the Provincial Ministry of Education for them to run and finance. The Province declined to subsidize the funding, so it was up to members of the Consolidated School districts. The main sticking point was the cost of transportation, which required an extra fee from ratepayers. Although all but one of the parents of children attending the School supported the fee, a majority of residents declined to pay it in a vote in 1907. The two nearest districts continued to run the school on a reduced basis while the other districts reverted to the old system.
A commentary in the O.A.C. Review (v. 23, n. 5, Feb. 1911) surmised that:
After six years' experience with these schools it must be acknowledged that, while the principle of consolidation has been confirmed an undoubted pedagogical success, these two educational reformers [Macdonald and Robertson] have been in advance of their times.
Given that consolidation and bussing is the norm in rural schools today, this claim seems undeniable.
The commentary goes on to muse, I think correctly, that its promoters had not done enough to persuade residents that the Consolidated School was worth the extra expenditure. It was a project that was conceived and executed without much involvement from the community, which was not sufficiently invested in it as a result. The School did not simply sell itself as its founders had supposed. The commentator suggests that a better plan would have involved consolidation on a smaller scale to begin with, scaling up later as circumstances allowed. Perhaps that approach would have been better, although maybe not grand enough for the ambitions of Sir William Macdonald.
In any event, the Macdonald Consolidated School carried on until it was closed by the County Board of Education in 1972. In 1978, it re-opened as the Macdonald Stewart Art Centre. Now it has metamorphosed once again, this time losing its association with the great tobacco magnate from Montreal who loved rural life and hated smoking.
A couple of years ago, I posted a two-part series on Old Home Week, 1913. (See Part I: The preparations and Part II: The event.) Also known as an Old Boys Reunion, the event provided Guelphites, former Guelphites, and well wishers a chance to get together again, enjoy some jollifications, and generally have a good time.
One difficulty that arose in putting together that posting was the lack of photographs of the event. The only postcard feature clearly related to the event is the cancellation logo, reading "Guelph’s Old Home Week 1913, July 28–Aug 2", which the postal service used to advertise it in the weeks leading up to the reunion. No postcards were explicitly labeled as giving pictures of it. That stands in contrast to the Old Home Week of 1908 in Guelph, which is recorded, for example, in the following real-photo postcard.
Happily, this conclusion seems to be untrue. There are postcards with photos of Old Home Week 1913 in the Royal City. They are not labelled as such but attention to the details of the pictures gives them away. In the remainder of this posting, I will display these postcards and explain why I think they record the 1913 celebration. All the postcards in question are from a series published in sepia tones beginning around 1912 by the International Stationary Company in Picton, Ontario.
The first postcard is one of St. George's Square. The Square was central to any civic celebration in those days. Also, due to frequent upgrades and renovations, photographs of it can be dated with some accuracy.
This picture shows the Old Post Office/Customs House from the south with the Blacksmith Fountain on the left. Clearly evident is a lively set of patriotic bunting strung over the Square and lining its sides. Unions Jacks abound and Japanese flags can also be seen flying near the middle of the picture. A south-facing banner over the Fountain reads, in part, "... welcome home." In addition, a number of ladies can be seen in front of the Post Office boarding the streetcar and walking on the sidewalk to the right all in formal, white dresses and hats. Clearly, a big, important event is taking place.
Some details allow the photo to be placed within a useful range of dates. Just to the right of center can be seen a lamppost with two globes beneath a cross-arm. These orbs are part of the incandescent street lighting system that was installed downtown in 1912. See the detail below.
In addition, just up Wyndham St. to the left of the clock tower of the Old Post Office/Customs House is a large sign with the word "Trader's Bank" written on it in large letters. This bank appeared, along with this sign, in 1885. In 1913, the bank vacated these premises, which were then taken over by the Union Bank in 1914, at which time the sign was removed. So, our postcard photo dates from between 1912 and 1914. See the detail below.
I surmise, then, that it depicts the Old Home Week of 1913.
With this attribution, there are grounds for including other postcards in the same series to this event. In fact, it appears that the photographer made a sequence of cards stretching the length of Wyndham St. and beyond. Let us begin at the south end of Lower Wyndham. I include the card below due to the presence of the incandescent lamps and the crowds of women in white dresses (along with a number of men) who seem to have just disembarked from the train station on the right. Also visible is a load of patriotic bunting over Lower Wyndham St. The card also provides a good view of the entrance to the Wyndham St. railway underpass beneath.
Note the odd caption that describes Wyndham St. as "Main St."
The next postcard provides almost a reverse angle. This shot is taken from the west side of Wyndham St., looking south-east towards the Grand Trunk Railway (now VIA) station, which, like the underpass, had been built in 1911. There are no particular signs of Old Home Week except perhaps for some white dresses and its fit with the rest of the series.
I enjoy how people felt free to just stand around in the street in those days!
The next photo is taken from the roadway about where Wyndham St. crosses Macdonell. Patriotic bunting is everywhere visible, overhead, on the walls of the city hall on the right, and the fire station behind. The incandescent lighting system helps to date the photograph, as does the date given in the message on the reverse side, 30 Sep. 1917.
Oddly, the caption reads, "The Armouries." It is true that Armory building is in the center of the picture but only well in the background. The wagon in the foreground is hard to identify. Perhaps it is a ladder truck belonging to the fire department. A marching band follows behind.
The next postcard takes us past St. George's Square to the other end of Wyndham St. where it meets Woolwich St. This very fine view shows some festive streamers in an inverted-V hanging from the "New" Wellington Hotel. (This description is curious since the Wellington Hotel had occupied this site since 1871. It may refer to the extensive renovations made in 1904, which led the Mercury to describe it as the "new Wellington" then; 2 Sep. 1904.) The new street lights are prominent, as is a big sign in the shape of a mortar advertising the Bogardus Pharmacy sited in the Guelph Opera House building. I wonder what is pictured on the sandwich board out on the sidewalk. Hopefully nothing too narcotic! The card was addressed on 30 Jan 1918.
The next card is a reverse angle, that is, taken from in front of the Wellington Hotel with the Opera House, Woolwich St. and a couple of streetcars in view. The Opera House shops are, from left to right, Morans & Hertzberg's furniture store, Wallace Bros. Boots & Shoes, Dobson & Hewes—Ladies Tailors & Furriers, and, of course, the Bogardus drug store. The card is postmarked 18 July 1914.
If you look carefully, you can see a two-wheeled garbage cart in front the Wallace Bros. store. Those horses don't clean up after themselves, do they?
The next card is taken from nearly the same location but pointing northward along Eramosa Rd. I have posted about this card earlier, and it remains one of my favorites. I attribute it to Old Home Week, 1913, on the basis of the street lighting, the women's formal wear, and the patriotic bunting on the buildings and over Eramosa Rd., not to mention its fit with the other cards in this sequence. Issues with the caption continue also, this time in the form of the misspelling of "Eramosa". The card was posted on 1 June 1916.
I hope the two little girls in their Sunday best had a good time!
The next card in this sequence comes from a little way down Woolwich St. from the previous one. It features the County Court House, Guelph's oldest public building, completed in 1843 in the "Scottish castellated" style. As before, the attribution of the card to Old Home Week, 1913, arises from the street lighting, dress, and fit with the other cards. It is postmarked 23 Sep. 1914.
Aesthetically, the card is a good one as it features the incongruous turrets of the Court House, framed by a tree and a lamppost.
The final card (so far) comes from further afield, that is, Exhibition Park. It appears to depict a part of the Park near the end of Mont Street where the land slopes up towards the south. Today, this area is still where the open fields in the middle of the Park give way to trees at the southern end. The picture looks for all the world like just a formal picnic. Yet, many events associated with Old Home Week, 1913, took place in the Park, so the card's assignment to the same sequence is, at least, plausible.
This card is postmarked 23 Sep. 1914.
If these cards are photographs of Old Home Week, 1913, then it seems odd that the captions do not mention it. Perhaps, since the cards were printed a year or so after the fact, it was thought by the producer that the association would have no value to potential customers. Instead, they would have to sell simply on their visual qualities.
That is all for now. Hopefully, further cards in this sequence showing Old Home Week, 1913, can be found. We are fortunate to have these cards since no other photographic record of the event is evident from other sources. If you know of any more, please let me know and/or give pointers in the comments!
A number of civic events held in Guelph in the 1910s were celebrated in a similar manner. Thus, photographs of these celebrations are easily confused and sometimes mislabelled. Here, I will give a brief key to distinguishing photographs of some of these events, in particular, photos mistakenly attributed to Old Home Week, 1908.
The real-photo postcard below is securely attributed to Old Home Week, 1908. The postmark on the back reads 13 Aug. 1908 and the message states:
Dear Bro: I hope you all got home O.K. See other side for Old Home week. We had a Rousing time. Son is getting along fine. Hoping you are all well. I am Your Bro, Herb
For identification, note the inverted-V banners hanging from the Old Post Office/Customs House and the absence of incandescent lighting on the utility poles. (Street lighting at that time was produced by arc lights suspended over the street by wires.) On the extreme left, note a banner over the Dominion Bank that ends with "Dominion". The south-facing banner over the Blacksmith Fountain reads, "A [Royal] welcome [to the Royal] City". (The banner is clearly visible in photo F38-0-9-0-0-15 at the Public Library archive.) See the detail below.
The "Trader's Bank" sign is clearly visible to the left of the Post Office clock tower. These details help to secure the attributions of other photos to Old Home Week, 1908.
Here, the "Trader's Bank" sign is gone but the Blacksmith Fountain is still present, thus dating the photograph from 1914 to 1922. There are no inverted-V banners on the Old Post Office. Instead, Union Jacks hang underneath its windows. The south-facing banner over the Blacksmith Fountain reads, "We welcome our visitors". (This banner is more legible in this second photo of the same scene.) Note also the fence around the Blacksmith Fountain, not present in 1908, and the benches north and south of it, not present in 1913. (Further photos of this event, also misattributed to the Old Home Week, 1908, can found in the Public Library archives as items F38-0-9-0-0-21, F38-0-9-0-0-20, F38-0-9-0-0-19, and F38-0-9-0-0-22.)
The celebration seems not directed at soldiers returning from WWI, as these would hardly be described as "visitors". It may record the arrival of visiting dignitaries of that time. The Prince of Wales visited Guelph in 1919 and went on a parade through St. George's Square. However, the weather was wretched that day and the Prince was soaked during his trip through the downtown. As the Square looks quite dry in the photos above, they must record some other visit.
A likely alternative would be the visit of the Duke and Duchess of Devonshire from 13 to 15 June 1918. The Duke, then Governor-General of Canada, was on a morale-boosting trip through the country in the company of his wife and daughters Lady Blanche and Lady Dorothy, along with other VIPs. Upon their arrival, the party paraded up Wyndham Street in automobiles borrowed especially for the purpose and, thus, would have enjoyed a display of British patriotism present in St. George's Square. The Mercury (12 June 1918) printed a plea from the Reception Committee "that all places of business and residences be suitably decorated for the occasion." During their visit, the dignitaries met veterans, had lavish dinners, and visited the hospitals as well as the O.A.C. A highlight was the vice-regal inspection of all of Guelph's 3000 or so school children in Exhibition Park on 14 June.
The decorations visible in the photo above would certainly suit this occasion. Plus, there is no mention in the papers of bad weather. So, attribution of these pictures to the vice-regal visitors of 1918 is plausible if not completely secure.
In summary, here is a table of features of St. George's Square to distinguish these three events:
Feature
Old Home Week, 1908
Old Home Week, 1913
Vice-Regal visit, 1918 (?)
Lighting
arc lighting on wires
incandescent lighting on poles
incandescent lighting on poles
Blacksmith Fountain
no fence
fence
fence and benches
South banner
"Royal welcome to the Royal City"
"...welcome home"
"We welcome our visitors"
Post office decoration
inverted-V banners under third-storey windows
semi-circular banners under windows, two streamers from top of pinnacle to each side of building
This handsome young man is Everett Raymond Dudgeon, a member of the O.A.C. Aggies rugby football team of 1912. That year was a good one for the Aggies: they won the Intercollegiate Junior Championship of Canada! In the photo, Everett cuts a fine figure in the standard gear for Canadian football of the era: a leather helmet, woolen sweater, one-piece canvas suit with sewn-on shoulder pads, knee-high stockings, and cleated leather boots.
As is evident from the setting, this photograph was taken in a professional photography studio. It is an example of what is called a "real photo postcard" (RPPC), that is, a photograph that has been printed as a postcard. An RPPC was often printed in a small batch for someone as a souvenir with copies to share with friends and relatives. Dudgeon sent this copy to his cousin Miss Lucile Haynes in Estherville, Iowa on 12 March 1912. The message reads:
I guess there is some class eh—whot? Does it look real. Or imitation? E. R. D.
The odd language may be explained by the fact that Dudgeon was an American from Goose Lake, Illinois. He was born to Israel and Leonora Dudgeon on 10 August 1892 and had evidently been sent to the O.A.C. to learn to the modern way to be a farmer. Probably, he felt a little out of place in a Canadian college where, his relatives assumed, he would be required to speak the King's Hinglish. He also seems a little uneasy as an authentic member of the O.A.C. rugby football team. Little did he know in March that he was destined for Canadian football glory by the end of the year.
By the time that Dudgeon joined the O.A.C. team, rugby football had become an established sport throughout urban Canada. According to Frank Cosentino (1969), Canadian football began in Montreal in 1865 when a team of British soldiers played a game of rugby against a team of civilians from McGill University. In Britain, rugby had been invented in 1823 at the "public" (private) school in Rugby, England when William Webb Ellis decided to pick up and run with the ball during a soccer game. The sport caught on in British schools and with British officers, who then brought it to the colonies. At the game in Montreal in 1865, it caught on with students at McGill and then quickly spread to other schools and universities in Quebec and Ontario. In 1875, a team from McGill played an exhibition match in their version of the sport against a team of rugby players from Harvard. From there, Canadian rugby football quickly caught on and was adapted at American schools as well.
It did not take long for players at various Canadian colleges and amateur athletic clubs to decide to organize leagues for competitive play. The Quebec Rugby Football Union (Q.R.F.U.) was formed in 1882, followed later the same year by the Canadian Rugby Union (C.R.U.) and, in early 1883, by the Ontario Rugby Football Union (O.R.F.U.). In the ensuing years, league arrangements changed, rules were proposed, revised, and rejected (often putting the different leagues out of sync), but the sport gained steadily in popularity. In 1897, the Canadian Intercollegiate Rugby Football Union (C.I.R.F.U.) was formed to coordinate and regulate the college game, which was widely regarded as the highest quality of football then in play. The new league included both senior and intermediate divisions, which began play in 1898. The trophy for winners of the senior competition was the Yates Cup, which is still awarded to O.U.A. champions to this day. A junior division was added in 1906, and it was in this division that the Guelph team competed.
The Canadian game of rugby football at the time was neither English rugby nor modern Canadian football. The scrum of rugby had changed to a row of eleven players along each side of a line of scrimmage. In the middle of each line-up was the center and two supporters, one on either side who threw their inside arms over the back of the center to form a solid unit. Flanking them were two supporters known as "inside wings", then two "middle wings" and two "outside wings", and sometimes a "flying wing" further out. In the back field was a quarter-back, two half-backs, and sometimes a full-back. With two, 14-men teams in play, the field could get quite busy.
The ball was put in play when the offensive center kicked the ball back to the quarter-back with his heel. The quarter-back typically relayed the ball to one of the half-backs who might either attempt to plunge ahead through the opposing line-up, skirt the line-up to either side, or kick the ball up-field.
Since blocking (or "interference") was not allowed (except at the line of scrimmage), plunging into the opposing line would often result in a "buck", that is, a mass of players trying to push the ball-carrier forward from behind, in the case of the offensive team, or wrapping an arm around him and pushing him backward, in the case of the defensive team. Tackling above the shoulders or below the knees was not allowed, so such shoving matches were often the result of running plays up the middle. On occasion, a defensive player could throw himself on the ground in front of a runner hoping to trip him up but this tactic risked putting the defender at the bottom of a large and very heavy pile-up. While the buck formed an intriguing contest of strength and will, it was confusing for spectators who would lose sight of the ball in it.
Although the forward pass was not legal, a runner could lateral the ball to another back-fielder, hoping to outflank the opposition. Alternatively, the back-fielder could kick the ball forward, aiming for the arms of a teammate, or simply trying to move the ball downfield as far as possible and hoping to recover it promptly.
If the ball were ruled dead, then it was placed at the new line of scrimmage and the next down commenced. There were no huddles; players simply returned to their positions and listened for signals shouted to them by the quarter-back. The offensive team had three downs either to move the ball ten yards up-field or to retire 20 yards down-field. The latter was allowed only once per possession.
Scoring systems were in some flux at the time and differed from league to league. In the I.C.R.F.U., there were three main ways of scoring points. First, a touch-down (or "try") occurred when the offensive team moved the ball into the defenders' end zone, and was worth five points. A further point could be added (a "conversion") if the offensive team could kick the ball through the defenders' goal on the next play. A rouge occurred when the offensive team kicked the ball into the defenders' end zone and the defenders could not bring it out, and was worth one point. A safety occurred when the ball was called dead in the possession of the offensive team in their own end zone.
Kicking by back-fielders and scoring by rouging were much more prominent parts of the game then than they are today. However, this type of play does still occur from time to time in the modern Canadian Football League (C.F.L.) and, when it does, reminds us of what an I.C.R.F.U. game might have looked like. Consider this "wild finish" from a C.F.L. game between Montreal and Toronto on 29 October 2010. Here, the Montreal Alouettes miss a field goal, causing the Toronto Argonauts to kick the ball out of their end zone in order to avoid a rouge. The Alouettes kick it back into the end zone and recover for a touchdown.
You can see how spectators would have enjoyed such play. And, enjoy it they did! Thousands of spectators attended the senior league games, which proved to be money-makers for the host clubs. O.A.C. students were no different and followed the sport and their team avidly. Consider these remarks from the O.A.C. Review of October 1908 (v. 21, no. 1, p. 38):
Of all college games, without a doubt, the one most popular is rugby. It is not only one of the most interesting sports to watch, but among the most fascinating to play. And is it any wonder that this is so, when one recalls dashing across the field, ball under arm, with a dozen men from different corners of the field in hot pursuit, and then to dodge two or three of them, gently push three or four others to the right or left, and finally cross the line for a touch-down amid the deafening applause of the assembled crowds? Well you’ll agree with me that there’s some incentive in doing things like this, for that shows the kind of stuff men are made of.
Indeed, football was favored at colleges, in part, for its masculinity. Many were concerned (and some remain so today) that civilization in general, and book-learning in particular, had a feminizing effect on young men. In the classrooms at Canada's institutes of higher learning, young men would learn knowledge and skills and make social connections that would prepare them for a life of social and economic advancement. However, this life was also a life of leisure that could made them soft. In the late Victorian era, organized sport was seized on as a solution to this problem (Mott 1983, p. 62). Competition on a mock field of battle would help to turn boys into manly men, where manliness was defined as "not only physical vitality and courage, but also decisiveness, clear-headedness, loyalty, determination, discipline, a sense of charity, and especially the moral strength that ensured that courage would be used in the service of God and the Right." (Mott 1983, p. 58).
Rugby football was ideal for this purpose. It was a rough game through which boys could learn important life lessons at the school of hard knocks (Globe, 22 September 1909):
Rugby is too rough a game. How often the followers of the gridiron sport hear comments like this about the game—"It's too rough", and "the boys get hurt", and "it isn't good for them".
Of course if fond mammas want their youthful pride and hope to grow up like a banana plant in a greenhouse, there is little sense in arguing the point. The game is too rough for molley coddles. On the contrary, if the boy is to be taught to fight his way in the great battle of life, there is no game that will teach him how in a better way. He'll get plenty of knocks and raise many a crop of healthy bruises but he gains stamina and the knocks he gets, if he is an ordinary cuss in later life, will be equally hard.
Get a canvas suit for the boy, well padded, and let him get out and fight the battles on the Rugby field first.
Any good rugby football player at the O.A.C. should expect to take a beating, as suggested by this cartoon published in the O.A.C. Review (1912, v. 25, n. 1, p. 33) under its football column:
The tough-guy ideal of the young male football player also fit in with the martial spirit of British imperialism that was popular in Canada at the time (The Canadian Courier, 8 Dec. 1906, v. 1, no. 2, p. 8):
Rugby football with its rush and plunge, its squirming log-heaps of struggling humanity, and its constant clash of weight and strength against weight and strength is probably the nearest approach to actual warfare the world of sport can produce. That is why it appeals so strongly to the fighting Anglo-Saxon nature.
By providing and supporting a football team, the O.A.C. was helping to prevent the feminization of its students and, at the same time, upholding the fighting spirit of Anglo-Saxon Canada.
In 1912, the College was hungry for manly triumph on the football field. In the O.A.C. Review in July 1912 (v. 24, n. 10, pp. 596-597), team captain C. A. Webster wrote of the promise of the season. The team was to see the return of many veterans from the previous campaign. There was talk of engaging a coach just for the football team. In addition, all the games were to be played in Exhibition Park in the city. Webster considered the field conditions there more favourable to the light, fast game of the Aggies. Also, Guelphites would likely turn out in numbers to support the local team. After all, like many smaller Ontario cities, Guelph had no football team of its own so, once the baseball season was over, football would be on the top of every sports fan's list. Every player was urged to focus every aspect of his diet, exercise, and daily routine to produce success in football!
The season started with a couple of exhibition games. First, the Aggies played the team from Upper Canada College (U.C.C.) on 28 September in Exhibition Park (O.A.C. Review, v. 25, n. 2, pp. 77-78). U.C.C. was a private high school in Toronto catering to the city's elite and typically had a good team. Indeed, the U.C.C. dominated most of the game, leading O.A.C. 16-0 at the end of the third quarter. In the final quarter, the Aggies turned the tables and scored six points, which still left the final tally at 16-6. Its performance in the final quarter was promising for the Aggies, as was attendance at the game ("... a good crowd was present, the girls from the [Macdonald] Hall being particularly in evidence."). Nevertheless, the team clearly had to get its act together.
On 5 October, the Aggies played another exhibition game (also in Exhibition Park) against the "Dutchmen" from St. Jerome's College (now St. Jerome's University) in Berlin (now Kitchener). The description in the O.A.C. Review (v. 25, n. 2, p. 79) notes that the Red and Blue (the Aggies' colours, that they would have worn on their knee socks) looked very solid whereas their opponents appeared worn out by the end of the first quarter. The account of the game in the Berlin News Record (7 Oct. 1912) is more fulsome and gives us a glimpse of the Aggies' style of play:
The O.A.C. squad presented a formidable line their men averaging over 165 lbs. Their back division works smoothly on the defensive and the hand of Harry Griffith, the ex-University of Toronto coach, is plainly evident in their tactics. They depended largely upon end runs which they started quickly and usually got away for gains. Their kicking department is strong, Simpson being a particularly good punter and in catching their work was almost faultless, the halves getting under punts and returning them with a coolness and accuracy that is not always found on some other teams in supposedly faster company.
The mention of Harry Griffith is interesting. Griffith coached teams at the University of Toronto that won the first Grey Cup in 1909 and the second in 1910. Afterwards, he coached at Ridley College in St. Catherines but never at Guelph. Was he the coach that Webster had wanted to hire? In any event, although Griffith may not have coached the Aggies, they clearly emulated the style of football that he instilled in his winning teams at Toronto.
It certainly began to pay dividends. On 5 October, the Aggies beat St. Jerome's by a score of 39-0. In fairness, the O.A.C. team was evidently much larger than the other one and several of the St. Jerome's players were professors and so perhaps not as robust as their opponents. Three of them were injured in the game, one badly enough to be forced from the field. Nevertheless, the Berlin News Record praised the Aggies:
The O.A.C. team have adopted the Varsity methods as taught by Harry Griffith and the snap with which they get away should carry them far this season. Their line is heavy, affording the backs plenty of protection. All told the O.A.C. have a clean bunch of players and St. Jerome’s returned well pleased with the treatment they received.
Dudgeon played on the inside wing, part of the line that gave the backs time to shine. Since he did not carry the ball, Dudgeon did not get specific mention in any press reports.
With their exhibition games behind them, the Red and Blue began the competitive season with a game against McMaster University (then still located in Toronto) on 12 October. The Aggies won the game by a score of 18-12 (Globe, 14 Oct. 1912). On 19 October, they beat the Varsity thirds, that is, the University of Toronto's junior team, by 21-11 (Globe, 21 Oct. 1912):
That the A. O. College (sic) this year has the finest team for the past fifteen years was proved this afternoon when the A. O. firsts defeated the University of Toronto thirds by 21 to 11. The heavy wind throughout the game was taken advantage of by the Aggies in their quarters. On the defensive they were like a stone wall, holding Varsity at one time when the latter was only one foot off the line. Herder, Madden, and Webber (sic) starred for the Aggies, Herder’s end runs for heavy gains being the spectacular feature, while his punting was the best seen here for years.
Toronto Varsity teams were often the class of the league, so defeating them would bode especially well. As part of the "stone wall", Dudgeon must have been pleased with the outcome.
The Guelph Mercury for the fall of 1912 is missing, so records of the team's efforts are somewhat spotty. The Toronto Star (11 Nov. 1912) mentions a victory of Guelph over Kingston (that is, Queen's University?) on 9 November by a score of 23-7. This victory appears to have made the Aggies the Intercollegiate champions of Ontario. Their next move was to play against the Quebec Intercollegiate junior champions, St. Lambert's College of Montreal. The game was played in Guelph on 23 November and the Aggies manhandled their opponents by a score of 50-2 (Globe, 25 Nov. 1912):
The first quarter was the only one really hard fought, the O.A.C. in the other three doing practically what they willed.
The Aggies tackled sure, and their back division outbooted and outran their opponents, while the line tore holes in the Saints’ defence. Simpson starred for O.A.C., at one time going half the length of the field for a touchdown ...
The rest of the column is garbled.
This victory made the O.A.C. team the junior intercollegiate champions of the Dominion. (At that time, only Quebec and Ontario played at the national level. Only later in the 1920s did teams from western Canada begin to challenge for national titles.) At this point, the Aggies had their team picture taken on the steps of the main entrance to Massey Hall.
Dudgeon is standing in the back row, third from the left. They appear cold but proud. Herder is holding a puppy in his coat, perhaps the team mascot. A signature scratched into the lower-right corner appears to identify the photo as taken by "Kennedy", probably Robert Kennedy, who had a photography studio downtown at the time.
One game remained, for the Canadian Rugby Union (C.R.U.) championship, against the top team of the Ontario Rugby Football Union (O.R.F.U.) junior division, that being the Hamilton Alerts. A game against the Alerts would be no picnic. The Alerts were O.R.F.U. champions for the second year in a row. Hamilton was arguably the football capital of the country at the time and its teams were playing for the C.R.U. championships at all three levels. Also, Hamilton football fans did not take defeat well. This fact is exemplified by an incident that occurred after the senior Alerts were defeated by the Ottawa Rough Riders in Hamilton on what Hamilton supporters believed to be a blown call by referee Billy McMaster (Globe, 8 Oct. 1912):
"As soon as the match was over, businessmen of that city hit me on the back and the head with sticks and shouted, 'That is the fellow who sold us to Ottawa for five hundred dollars!' Though in some cases they made it a thousand. Ladies pointed their parasols at me, and screamed, 'That is the cheat!' and the mob whirled the two policemen who were escorting me off the field aside and started to tear off my clothes, when Burkholder [a former Alerts' player] interposed his great bulk and dragged me along to the back of the stand. Here like a thief or a murderer, I was compelled to creep along ... They stoned the Ottawa players [with paving stones torn up from the street] and followed us for many hundreds of yards. I got half a brick, which I have at home, on the head, which caused a lump as big as a hen's egg, and poor Kilt of the Rough Riders received from another brick a gash in the face that must have measured between three and four inches. And this mob was composed not of boys only, but of grown up men."
Perhaps it was a good thing, then, that the junior championship game would take place in Guelph, and most Hamilton fans would likely remain in the Mountain City to take in the senior and intermediate finals to be played there on the same day.
(I can't resist this follow-up to the story above (Currie 1968, p. 50):
Fifty-five years later, after another Hamilton-Ottawa battle in Hamilton, an irate Rough Riders' supporter protested about the way Hamilton fans had insulted the Ottawa team by pelting them with paper cups. Jake Gaudier, the Hamilton president and general manager, replied that while he couldn't condone such behaviour, perhaps Ottawa should be thankful that things had improved somewhat since 1912.
)
The game was duly played on 30 November at Exhibition Park. It is described in detail in the Hamilton Spectator (2 Dec.), which I will place in its entirety in an appendix, should you want to read the whole account. A CPR train carrying the Alerts left Hamilton for Guelph at 8:40am minus one player who, for reasons untold, had to be tracked down and ferried up by car. A number of Hamilton fans made the trip to support the Garnet and Grey. Five hundred or so Guelphites turned out to support the Red and Blue. The game began in mid-afternoon and was an exciting contest. Though the Aggies were bigger than the visitors, the terrain did not favour the home team's style of play due to recent snowfalls:
... the field was in one wretched condition, being ankle deep in slimy, soupy mud. The juniors, depending as they do on their speed, were naturally up against it right off the reel, it being impossible for them to get going in the mud.
In the first quarter, the Aggies "kept up a continual volley of punts", with the wind at their backs, forcing a rouge in the early minutes. However, the Alerts backfield managed to hold steady and the score at the end of the quarter was O.A.C. 1-Alerts 0.
In the second quarter, the Alerts got the upper hand, recovering a fumble in the Guelph end for a touchdown, which they did not convert. However, the Alerts later forced a rouge, leaving the score at half-time O.A.C. 1-Alerts 6.
In the third quarter, the Aggies took back the initiative, resuming their kicking attack and neutralizing the Alerts' offence. They forced 3 rouges and a safety, tying the score at the end of the quarter at O.A.C. 6-Alerts 6.
In the fourth quarter, the O.A.C. resumed the offensive and forced another rouge to go up 7-6. The home crowd roared! Perhaps they shouted out the O.A.C. football cheer, as listed in the Song Book of the O.A.C. (1915, p. 78):
On, O.A.C., On, O.A.C.
Plunge—right—through—that—line.
Run the ball clear 'round Toronto (McMaster, etc.)
A touchdown sure this time!
On, O.A.C. On, O.A.C.
Fight on for her fame
Fight, fellows, fight,
And we will win this game!
[Alerts quarter-back] McKelvey kicked far up the field to Madden, who returned, and Laing, catching the punt, ran 15 yards, and kicked when being tackled. Simpson fumbled the punt, and Alerts secured on the college 40-yard line. On two bucks they were thrown back for a loss, and then McKelvey kicked over the line to Madden, who returned the kick along the ground. Fully a half-dozen college players were standing around Brydges waiting for him to pick up the ball and at last when he did, he got away from the bunch and ran unmolested up the field for a touch-down, which he converted a moment later.
This setback took the wind from the Aggies' sails and they could muster no further points. The final score was O.A.C. 7-Alerts 14.
The Hamilton Spectator gloated, "the junior Alerts emerged from their clash with the husky team of the Ontario Agricultural College at Guelph on Saturday afternoon with the scalps of the Plow Boys dangling from their belts..." It traced the loss to the Aggies' decision to put the wind at their backs in the first quarter after winning the toss. It showed a "lack of grey matter" to elect to play facing into the wind in the final frame. The O.A.C. Review (Jan. 1913, v. 25, n. 4, p. 219) was somewhat more gracious:
The football season is over, and while we did not win the Canadian championship, we did the next best thing—we lost the final game. ... On the day's play the better team won. But with a dry field the O.A.C. boys would have very nearly copped the honors. Under the prevailing conditions speed was an unknown quantity, and here is where our boys have shone all season.
Even so, Dudgeon and his teammates had won the Canadian intercollegiate title and had played manfully in every contest.
It was Everett Dudgeon's final season of Canadian rugby football. He had been a spare in 1910, played on the front line in 1911 and 1912, and does not appear in the 1913 team. He graduated from the O.A.C. (I assume) and returned to practice his profession in Illinois, where he settled down on a farm near Serena. On his return, he hitched up with Mary and the couple quickly had two boys, Kenneth and Dudley. I imagine that he had some interesting stories to tell his sons about the time their father was a Canadian rugby football champion. Everett died on 3 March 1950 and is buried in the West Serena Cemetery.
Here is the account of the O.A.C.-Alerts game (Hamilton Spectator, 2 Dec. 1912):
Junior Alerts trotted off with a victory at Guelph
Agricultural team had the weight, but the local kids were not to be denied on such a day—Score 13-7 (sic)
Junior Alerts 14, Ontario Agricultural College 7.
The junior Alerts are junior champions of Canada. After battling their way into the finals two years in succession, only to be nosed out for the Dominion honors in the deciding game each year, the junior Alerts emerged from their clash with the husky team of the Ontario Agricultural College at Guelph on Saturday afternoon with the scalps of the Plow Boys dangling from their belts and the long coveted junior Canadian championship locked up for the season. With three championships hanging in the balance on the day’s play, the youthful wearers of the Garnet and Grey were determined to do their share towards making football history for the city in the shadow of the mountain, and they did it nobly.
Undismayed by the reports that emanated from Guelph during the past week regarding the strength of the Aggies and the sickening defeat that was waiting for the Alerts, the local juniors invaded the thriving little city early on Saturday morning with confidence written all over them. Of the three local teams fighting for championships, the juniors were the only one of the trio who were not playing at home, and on dope the youngsters looked to be the doubtful quantity. For a week it had snowed and thawed in turns at Guelph and when Referee Anglin’s whistle called the teams together for the kick-off, the field was in one wretched condition, being ankle deep in slimy, soupy mud. The juniors, depending as they do on their speed, were naturally up against it right off the reel, it being impossible for them to get going in the mud. The Guelph team outweighed the Garnet and Grey squad easily 15 pounds per man and a roar went up from the 500 Guelph rooters in attendance when the two teams trotted on to the field.
“Oh, this is going to be a walk-over! How did a team like that ever get into the finals?” bellowed one Red and Blue bedecked Guelphite, and he was only voicing the sentiments of everyone on the grounds, outside of the half dozen local supporters, who passed up the big game at Hamilton to follow the juniors to victory. Very little betting was done on the class, the bets that were made being for the most part 2 to 1 that O.A.C. would pull down a victory.
A strong breeze was blowing up the field, and when O.A.C. won the toss they surprised the Alerts supporters by deciding to kick with the wind in the first quarter, instead of having it behind them in the last quarter. Probably the Guelph squad greatly underrated the Alerts, and figured on running up such a mammoth score in the first chapter that the kids from Hamilton would never be able to catch up, but that overwhelming score failed to materialize, and it was Guelph’s lack of grey matter in deciding to use the wind in the first quarter that allowed the locals to double the score. After battling nip and tuck all the way, the teams entered the last quarter with the score a tie—6 to 6, and the Alerts had the benefit of the wind behind them. With the whistle, the Aggies started in to force the play, and inside of a minute they scored a rouge and broke the tie. Simpson, the right half-back, punted low over his scrimmage, and the ball bounded away from McKelvey and rolled behind the Alerts line, Mac being forced to rouge. That one point scored by Guelph in the final quarter was only a flash in the pan, however, and with a sickening thud the championship aspirations of the college team fell flat a moment later, when Brydges smothered a loose ball near the center of the field, and with nobody near him, galloped 40 yards over the line for a touch-down, which he converted easily, making the score 12 to 7. After that touch-down was scored, Guelph completely lost all heart, and for the remainder of the quarter the Alerts made a farce of the game by standing idly and letting the half-backs run 15 or 20 yards with the ball before they pulled them down in the mud. And before the welcome final whistle sounded, McKelvey, the grand little back of the Alerts, annexed two more scored by kicking to the dead-line.
Despite the fact that the Guelph line was many pounds heavier than that of their opponents, the Alerts shaded them all the afternoon. It was on the back division, however, that the game was won and lost, the local trio, McKelvey, Laing and Finlayson, working like well-oiled machinery, with McKelvey being the shining star. In Madden, the college team had a kicking half-back who could punt farther than any of the local halves, but that let him out. He was slow at getting rid of the ball, and not once during the entire game did he vary his style of play, kicking straight up the field every time. The result was that the Alerts backs were always waiting for the ball, and while the soggy going prevented them from getting away for any runs, they had ample time to return the punts just as fast as they came. On the wing line Guelph worked perfect interference, but Referee Anglin soon spotted it, and time and time again he handed the ball over to the Alerts for this interference just when it seemed that the college team could not be stopped from scoring.
In the game against Toronto Centrals on Wednesday, Chick Sheridan was the big noise of the Alerts line, but the three Guelph delegates who journeyed to Oakville to see that semi-final game gave the Aggies to understand that they had to stop Sheridan if they wanted to win the game, and Chick was a marked man all the afternoon. Notwithstanding the fact that he had three men marking him all the time, Sheridan played a grand game, and while he did nothing spectacular, he was a sure tackler and was up under the ball every time. Tyce, at the other outside position, and Clements, at flying wing, were also forty ways, and it was mainly through the superb tackling of this trio that the Alerts brought the honors back to Hamilton. Snider, Voelker, Ireland and Caffrey were used in nearly all the bucks, and while neither team gained their yards more than twice all the afternoon by this style of attack, the Alerts quarter shaded the men they called on to mark. “Doe” Jones was also used as a ball carrier, and what work he was given to do he did nobly. In Brydges the juniors have a quarter-back who is really ripe for senior company, and should anything happen to “Red” Harper, the seniors would make no mistake next year in sticking Brydges in to direct the play. Gifted with a good noddle and the ability to get rid of the ball like the proverbial streak of lightning, Brydges is just about the niftiest quarter playing junior football in Canada. The Alerts scrimmage looked like school children in comparison with the trio in the center of the O.A.C. line, but what that scrimmage lacked in weight they more than made up in speed and aggressiveness. Ireland and Osborne were air-tight, and when Alerts were in possession Brydges was given perfect protection in getting the ball away. As is usual with college teams, the O.A.C. squad relied a great deal on the open, passing game, but not once during the game did their long passes and criss-crosses behind the line net them anything. It was nothing unusual to see the backs pass the ball almost the width of the field, but there was always an Alerts player waiting for the man to receive the pass. While Madden was given most of the work on the college back division, the real star of the college back division was Simpson. This player is a big, husky boy, who has a plunging style all his own, and once he gets away it is like running into a steam-roller to try and bring him down; but Simpson was a marked man all of the afternoon, two and three Alerts wing men being on top of him every time he caught the ball. Huckett, at full back, and Herder, the other men on the college rear division, were both fair halves, but neither compared with the McKelvey-Finlayson-Laing combination. When the C.P.R. train carrying the team left Hamilton at 8:40 in the morning “Bear” Fickley was not in sight, and it was thought that the team would have to do without his services. When the squad arrived at Guelph Manager McComb got Dr. Carr on the long-distance phone and told him to round up the absent Fickley and get him to Guelph in time for the game at all costs. After keeping the wires burning for nearly an hour Dr. Carr finally located the “Bear,” and bundling him into a high-powered automobile he gave the chauffeur instructions to burn up the roads between the two cities. It was after 2 o’clock before the car left Hamilton, and Fickley did not reach the grounds until the game had been on about five minutes. Not taking time to get into a football suit, Fickley jumped right into the game with a new pair of blue trousers adorning his form, and he was one of the most conspicuous players on the field. After the game it was impossible to tell what the original color of those blue strides were.
Right off the reel in the first quarter the O.A.C. team corralled a point on a rouge. Guelph won the toss and Brown kicked off to McKelvey, who fumbled near his own line, but Laing saved. On the first down McKelvey kicked to Madden, who immediately returned over McKelvey’s head and the ball rolled behind the line, McKelvey being forced to rouge by Webster. The College team forced the play continually in this quarter and while they could not gain an inch on bucks through the line, Madden and Simpson kept up a continual volley of punts and it was only through the brilliant work of the rear division that Alerts held the score down to one point. When the quarter time whistle sounded, Alerts were in possession at midfield. O.A.C. 1, Alerts. 0.
Second Quarter.
With the wind behind them in the second quarter, McKelvey punted at every opportunity, but the College backs caught faultlessly and it was not until Alerts secured possession on an offside play near the center of the field that they were in a position to score. McKelvey kicked on the first down to Madden, who fumbled when tackled by Sheridan, and Finlayson fell on the ball about ten yards out from the Guelph line. On the next down, McKelvey tried an outside kick over the line, but Finlayson who was outside, charged him and the College back foozled the ball. There was a wild scramble for the loose oval but Clements dived through the air, and smothered the ball for a touchdown, which was not converted. With the try, the Alerts took a new lease on life and just before the quarter ended, McKelvey kicked to Huckett, who was forced to rouge. Half time score, Alerts 6, O.A.C. 1.
Third Quarter.
The College players came back strong after intermission and by kicking at every opportunity, soon worked the ball into the Alerts territory. College secured at the Alerts 35-yard line and Madden kicked over the line to McKelvey, who was forced to rouge. Alerts 6, O.A.C. 2. On the next down, McKelvey tried an outside kick, which failed and the Farm students secured, Simpson kicking to the deadline for another point. Alerts 6, O.A.C., 3. The College players were working like fiends and play had not been resumed more than 1 minute when Madden kicked near the line to McKelvey, who was thrown back for a safety touch. Alerts 6, O.A.C., 5. Alerts secured on their own 40 yard line and Voelker bucked for yards. Voelker was hurt and on the next down Caffrey went down for the count and had to be carried from the field. Fickley taking his place, Alerts forced the play down the field but lost the ball on an offside and Simpson kicked back over the line to Laing, who was forced to rouge and the scored was tied, Alerts 6, O.A.C., 6. The quarter ended without a further score.
Fourth Quarter.
Guelph began the final spasm by bucking for yards, and Simpson kicked a low punt over his scrimmage, which bounded past McKelvey over the line, and Mac was forced to rouge. O.A.C. 7, Alerts 6. The 500 college rooters who had been yelling like made in the third quarter, when their team tied up the score, broke out in renewed cheers and appeared to think that the game was as good as salted, but Alerts were far from being through. McKelvey kicked far up the field to Madden, who returned, and Laing, catching the punt, ran 15 yards, and kicked when being tackled. Simpson fumbled the punt, and Alerts secured on the college 40-yard line. On two bucks they were thrown back for a loss, and then McKelvey kicked over the line to Madden, who returned the kick along the ground. Fully a half-dozen college players were standing around Brydges waiting for him to pick up the ball and at last when he did, he got away from the bunch and ran unmolested up the field for a touch-down, which he converted a moment later. Alerts 16 (sic), O.A.C. 7. After that try the game developed into a farce, with the Alerts having it all their own way, McKelvey kicking over the line for two more rouges before the final whistle sounded. Alerts 14, O.A.C. 7.
After supper at the hotel, the sturdy band of Hamiltonians started out to celebrate, and while they furnished more noise than the residents of Guelph ever heard before, they were withal an orderly crowd, indulging in no rough-house tactics.
Those who indulged.
